Our Books - Ideas That Shape Scholarship

Entities, events, phenomena and states of affairs of the sphere of international relations/ interstate interactions are purely intersubjective recognisances. Their “subjects”, in particular the States, are themselves pre-theoretically, intersubjectively co-constituted and temporalised, ascribed with subject qualities especially in their “interactions” and experienced as such through intentional acts of perceiving, defining, remembering, anticipating, judging and so on. The said ascription includes their own community-building dynamics within an also intersubjectively given environment of interstate interactions. NATO is one of the most prominent State-communities. It has not only been defined by but has also been a constituent of the environment in which it existed. It gained its meaning from its existential relationship with its constituent State-subjects, its interactional counterparts and the meaningful appearance of its “environment”, and also made part of their meaningful appearances. NATO existed through transformations of environment and counterpart(s), continuing to be valid and viable in different identities and temporalisations. It is currently being re-identified and re-temporalised face to a new transformation of the interstate environment. Studying NATO requires co-studying its constituents, counterparts and environment in their substances and temporal states as they are given pre-theoretically, immediately, intersubjectively, which form parts of an expanded, existential kind of reality lived and lived-within by true subjects, replacing the objectivity in its narrow sense with meaningfulness, appearing as objectivity itself on the ground of a universal, pre-theoretical, immediate familiarity and intelligibility ground. Studying NATO “as is” in its identities and temporalisations with its environment, constituents and counterparts requires access to that pre-theoretical ground of meaningful, intersubjective appearances. Here, phenomenology and the phenomenological ontology offer useful concepts and tools which, due to the particular nature of the IR field, complement each other for conducting such a study of the “being and time” of NATO.

Citizen participation stands as a pillar of democracy, embodying principles of popular sovereignty, government accountability, and public trust. This compiled volume expands our understanding of the many varied contemporary forms of political participation and unpacks the implications of contemporary civic engagement on civic culture. The motivating factors for and effects of political participation are complex. The ways in which humans use the varying avenues and opportunities to engage with the government have been complicated by the increasing ubiquity of social media. Under certain conditions, citizen participation may serve to increase trust in public institutions, with implications for civil service, courts, police, the military, and other public services. While at other times, modern political participation may create a countervailing influence on productive civic engagement and civic culture. Although technological advances of the twenty-first century have lowered some of the barriers to political engagement, they have also facilitated new ways of spreading disinformation and simplified messaging. This edited volume will be of interest to anyone who cares about political participation and the efficacy of civic engagement in the information age. In addition, this book would be of interest in many interdisciplinary courses from the social sciences and would facilitate discussions surrounding the varied ways that citizens can use political participation in democracies around the world to engage with democratic government and the impacts this has on social capital and civic culture.

The focus in this book is not on the various distinctions between classic liberalism and orientalism. Such traits are specific to normative values than hurt, suffering, and victimhood by one group at the expense of another. Rather, the focus is on the dichotomy between neoliberalism and orientalism as relates to the injuries caused by neoliberalism’s harmful practices to ordinary people both in the West and the Global South. The book is a qualitative study in phenomenology, seeking to explain the nature of neoliberal-oriental dichotomy through selected observations in international relations. It builds on the kernel understanding of the dichotomy through meanings as experienced by people, especially in the developing countries (the Global South). The observations are organized in 9 chapters (including an introduction and conclusion) involving descriptive analyses of applied utilities (tools) used by neoliberalism, the state of opposition and ethnic and religious minorities in the Global South, the misuse of energy resources and conflicts, uncovering the double-standards and hypocrisy applied in the observation of selected narratives in Iraq, Ukraine, and Gaza, and the emerging of new trajectories and models for inclusion, cooperation, and peace based on interpretations by complexity sciences. The book uses narrative observations to uncover meanings and experiences in the East-West dichotomy on issues of security, national interests, militarism, alliances, and conflict resolution. The chapters examine the utilities applied by neoliberalism in furthering the divide, understanding causality, and the recommended models for bridging the contradictions toward peace and inclusion based on the complexity sciences. The purpose of this book is not just to observe the gulf between neoliberalism and orientalism but to bridge between them for the sake of healing, minimizing divisions and atrocities, and promoting progress based on shared interests. The main themes in the book are the assessments of public policy orientation in international relations, the rule of the media and social networks, and the impact of global institutions on peace, conflicts, militarism, interventions, sanctions, and regime change scenarios on the East-West dichotomy.

Despite using the metaphors of kin-states and blood-brothers for the India-Pakistan conflict, there is limited work exploring this phenomenon. India-Pakistan relations have mostly been theorized by situating them along with a bipolar ethnic and religious framework. This book presents a fresh conflict model to theorize their rivalry by positioning them as warring family branches with common ancient and cultural history. Therefore, this book not only competes with the existing literature but also claims to break new theoretical ground in the subject. This book will be of interest to researchers looking to theorize intergroup conflicts, academicians, students, social activists, politicians, practitioners, track-2 diplomats and above all, the policy makers in both countries. This book has theorized the tensions and dynamics of the India-Pakistan conflict as a process akin to a typical large South Asian family dispute after dividing its tangible assets. Categorizing and depicting India and Pakistan as two segments of such a large family, quarreling over gaining more prestige against the other after dividing ancestral land, this study does not remain unaware of other, larger pushes and pulls experienced in this intractable conflict, interfering in significant ways in the relationship between the partitioning members of the extended family. Arguing for the centrality of the concept of family relations in this context made increasing sense also as an explanation for the intensity of local emotions visible in this complex conflict. The core argument here is that the intractability, intensity, and intimacy associated with various dimensions of the India-Pakistan conflict can be better explained by analyzing it as a dispute between two warring branches of a huge joint family with an enormously rich and diverse ancient history.

This groundbreaking volume offers an in-depth exploration of how Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine has reshaped the geopolitical landscape of the post-Soviet space, particularly in the Caucasus and Central Asia. Through expert analyses, the book examines the far-reaching consequences of the war, including shifts in regional alliances, energy security dynamics, the rise of new cooperation platforms, and the growing role of external actors such as China and Turkey. Through rigorous analysis, the book explores critical themes such as the shifting balance of power in the region, the re-emergence of the Organization of Turkic States, Azerbaijan’s deepening engagement with Central Asia, Kazakhstan’s strategic repositioning, and the complex interplay between Russia, China, Turkey, and the West. It also examines how regional actors are adapting to economic disruptions, energy security challenges, and evolving diplomatic alliances. Blending academic depth with policy relevance, "Strategic Implications of the War in Ukraine for the Post-Soviet Space" is an essential resource for scholars, analysts, and professionals in international relations, security studies, and Eurasian affairs.

This book offers a new lens on insurgency-related peace, focusing on the critical role of local initiatives in addressing violent extremism. It centers on the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF), a community-based peace group formed in Borno State, Nigeria, in response to the atrocities of Boko Haram. With over 26,000 members, the CJTF has become a significant player in the fight against Boko Haram, working closely with the military across both urban and rural areas. Using a qualitative ethnographic approach, the book challenges the traditional view that insurgency-related peace efforts are solely the responsibility of the state or conventional security forces. It highlights how local, non-state actors like the CJTF contribute effectively to security and peacebuilding, shedding light on the complexities of civilian-military collaboration. Drawing on David Galula’s insurgency theory, the book examines the CJTF’s role in combating Islamic extremism and demonstrates that local peace movements can complement state-led efforts. This analysis fills a critical gap in the literature, offering a unique contribution to the fields of security studies, peacebuilding, and African politics. Ideal for scholars, policymakers, and practitioners interested in alternative peace strategies, community-driven security, and the challenges of countering extremism, this book provides a comprehensive framework for understanding how local and state efforts can work together to achieve lasting peace. It offers practical insights into the evolving nature of insurgency-related peace and its implications for Nigeria and beyond.

This book examines the post-Cold War U.S.-Japan-China Triangle through the lens of two core international relations variables: power and security. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the U.S., as the sole superpower, aimed to prevent the rise of any rival in Asia or elsewhere that could threaten its global position. This approach aligns with a realist view of international relations, championed by scholars like John Mearsheimer, tracing back to the principles of interstate competition seen as far back as the 1648 Westphalia Treaty and the Peloponnesian War in the 5th century BC. The book argues that the U.S. aims to prevent China from becoming a revisionist power by strategically using its alliance with Japan as a deterrent within the American-led regional order. Historically, the U.S.-Japan-China relationship has seen consistent U.S. support for Japan, often at China’s expense, except during World War II. Since the 19th century, the U.S., alongside European powers, pressured China through treaties such as the 1844 Wanghia Treaty and direct interventions like the Opium Wars. Japan’s industrialization after the Meiji Restoration led to imperialist ambitions that eventually clashed with Western interests, culminating in Japan’s 1941 attack on Pearl Harbor—a short-lived break in the U.S.-Japan alignment. After the Communist rise to power in China in the late 1940s, the U.S. renewed its strategic ties with Japan to contain Chinese influence, solidified by the 1951 security treaty.

Africa’s potential and challenges in the 21st century make it a focal point for global attention. The continent’s political landscape is now more diverse, with a mix of democracy, authoritarianism, peace, and conflict. Understanding the dynamics of African politics is crucial. This comprehensive book delves into African Politics and International Relations, exploring power through the lenses of politics, geography, sociology, and anthropology. It is based on the author’s three decades of fieldwork and research across Africa, Asia, and the West. Ideal for academic scholars, students, diplomats, government officials, journalists, and NGO staff seeking to deepen their understanding of African politics and international relations.

"Facebook Friendship Groups as a Space for Peace" provides new ways of thinking about the concept of friendship in international relations by drawing upon Aristotle’s ancient insights on sociability and reconceptualizing them for modern international relations. This book explores how citizens can be engaged in public diplomacy through everyday interactions in Facebook friendship groups which allows them to promote understanding and reframe identity narratives. This book provides rich-in-demand empirical insights from citizens in the global south about the ways that social media friendship groups can be used to facilitate positive relations between citizens from countries that have a history of conflict. It also provides important insights for state leaders on the kinds of citizen initiatives that are seen as most useful in promoting positive images among foreign peoples. However, it challenges much of the notion that citizen initiatives will improve foreign public views of a state’s foreign policy, especially when those foreign policy priorities negatively affect citizens directly, like former President Donald Trump’s travel ban. Negative foreign policy initiatives cause distrust and once that is broken, it is difficult to rebuild absent changing the foreign policy. This book shows that conflict is deeply contextual, and as such public diplomacy initiatives must also be designed in such a way to address the unique challenges that exist between countries. Social media friendship groups can be a place to start to promote understanding, dispel stereotypes and reframe enemy narratives, which are essential to long-term positive relations.